Showing posts with label nietzsche. Show all posts
Showing posts with label nietzsche. Show all posts

Tuesday, January 17, 2012

Nietzsche - On the Genealogy of Morals


Friedrich Nietzsche - On the Genealogy of Morals (1887)
Okay, as promised, I will try to make this as brief as possible. I apologize, but this time I am not including page numbers because I used a weird edition.
Friedrich Nietzsche’s On the Genealogy of Morals was published in1887 and it is his effort to expand on efforts begun in All Too Human: A Book for Free Spirits (1878) and Beyond Good and Evil (1886) Human to investigate “the provenance of our moral prejudices.” Specifically, he is interested in asking “Under what conditions did man construct the value judgments good and evil? And what is their intrinsic worth?” The reward for such efforts, he says, is “that someday, we will be allowed to take it [morality] lightly. For lightheartedness, or to use [his] own phrase, a ‘gay science’ is the reward of a long, courageous, painstaking, inward seriousness, which to be sure is not within every man’s compass.” Part of Nietzsche’s project is an effort to give an example of “true interpretation” which demands in its reading a skill he says has been lost, for the practice of “reading as an art,” that is, “the skill to ruminate, which cows possess but modern man lacks.”

A view key points in no particular order and with minimal commentary:
First of all, it is important to keep in mind that what interests Nietzsche is not “good and bad” but “good and evil.” The distinction being between questioning actions (bad) and questioning judgments (evil).
Secondly, bad conscience, or the sick man, or guilt, about which he summarizes it best when he says that:
[to put it crudely, which does not mean that it should be understood crudely]…. The strong, healthy person digests his experiences [including every deed and misdeed] as he does his meals, even though he may have swallowed a tough morsel. If he can’t get rid of an experience, then this kind of indigestion is every bit as physical as the other, and often, in fact, merely one of the consequences of the other. Let me add that one may hold such notions and yet be an enemy of materialism.
This sickness of the soul, or bad conscience, is produced by “religious interpretation”:
I have briefly touched on the origin of that sense, treating it as an aspect of animal psychology; guilt was viewed there in its raw state. I may now add that to take shape it needed the hands of the ascetic priest, that virtuoso of guilt. ‘Sin,’ the priestly version of that animal ‘bad conscience’ (characterized earlier as introverted cruelty) constituted the greatest event in the entire history of the sick soul, the most dangerous sleight of hand of religious interpretation.
Explained further:
For, to put it quite generally, the main object of all great religions has been to counteract a certain epidemic malaise due to unreleased tension. It may safely be assumed that large masses of the earth’s population periodically suffer from physiological anxiety which, however, from lack of adequate physiological knowledge is not understood as such; whereupon religion steps in with its staple of psychological and moral remedies. 267
To put far too fine a point on it, Christianity produces guilt, Judaism, resentment and “slave mentality/ revolt.” This are historical statements, not ontological.
For our purposes it can’t go without saying how important Nietzsche’s Genealogy is to Foucault’s project, especially apparent in the text on our list, The Order of Things. You don’t have to look very hard to see both where Foucault found fuel for both his methods and his subjects. For example, this passage about the relationship of language (mots) and phenomena (choses):
For, just as popular superstition divorces the lightning from its brilliance, viewing the latter as an activity whose subject is the lightning, so does popular morality divorce strength from its manifestations, as though there were behind the strong a neutral agent, free to manifest its strength or contain it. But no such agent exists; there is no ‘being’ behind the doing, acting, becoming; the ‘doer’ has simply been added to the deed by the imagination – the doing is everything. The common man actually doubles the doing by making the lightning flash; he states the same event once as cause and then again as effect. The natural scientists are no better when they say that ‘energy moves,’ ‘energy causes.’ For all its detachment and freedom from emotion, our science is still the dupe of linguistic habits; it has never yet got rid of those changelings called ‘subjects.’
Or here, for example, which does not need to be stretched far to lead us to Foucault on subject formation:
“All instincts that are not allowed free play turn inward. This is what I call man’s interiorization; it alone provides the soil for the growth of what is later called man’s soul.”
And,
Also the generator of the greatest and most disastrous of maladies, of which humanity has not to this day been cured: his sickness of himself, brought on by the violent severance from his animal past, by his sudden leap and fall into new layers and conditions of existence, by his declaration of war against the old instincts that had hitherto been the foundation of his power, his awesomeness.
Or, finally here, on the relationship between history and language:
(It is impossible to say with certainty today why people are punished. All terms which semiotically condense a whole process elude definition; only that which has no history can be defined.)
Another noted reader of Nietzsche on our reading list was Derrida. For example, it is interesting to think about how this passage from Genealogy might relate to Derrida’s ideas about religion as response in Faith and Knowledge:
Simply glance through history: in what sphere, thus far, has all legislation and, indeed, all true desire for laws, developed? In the sphere of ‘reactive’ man? Not at all. Exclusively in the sphere of the active, strong, spontaneous, and aggressive. Historically speaking, all law – be it said to the dismay of that agitator (Dühring) who once confessed: ‘The doctrine of vengeance is the red thread that runs through my entire investigation of justice’ – is a battle waged against the reactive emotions by the active and aggressive, who have employed part of their strength to curb the excesses of reactive pathos and bring about a compromise. Wherever justice is practiced and maintained, we see a stronger power intent on finding means to regulate the senseless raging of rancor among its weaker subordinates. 207
And, also so important to Derrida, the idea of credit (belief) and debt (guilt) are here in Nietzsche’s Genealogy at the crux of his investigation:
The civil-law relationship of debtor to creditor has been projected into yet another context, where we find it even more difficult to understand today, namely into the relationship between living men and their forebears.
And further:
The modern moralization of the ideas of guilt and duty – their relegation to a purely subjective ‘bad conscience’ – represents a determined attempt to invert the normal order of development, or at least to stop it in its tracks. The object now is to close the prospect of final deliverance and make man’s gaze rebound from an iron barrier; to force the ideas of guilt and duty to face about and fiercely turn on – whom? Obviously on the ‘debtor,’ first of all, who, infested and eaten away by bad conscience, which spreads like a polyp, comes to a view his debt as unredeemable by any act of atonement (the notion of ‘eternal penance’). But eventually the ‘creditor’ too is turned on in the same fashion. Now the curse falls upon man’s cause prima (‘Adam,’ ‘original sin’ the ‘bondage of the will’); or upon nature, which gave birth to man and which is now made the repository of the evil principle (nature as the instrument of the devil); or upon universal existence, which now appears as absolute non-value (nihilistic turning away from life, a longing for nothingness or for life’s ‘opposite,’ for a different sort of ‘being’ – Buddhism, etc.). Then suddenly we come face to face with that paradoxical and ghastly expedient which brought temporary relief to tortured humanity, that most brilliant stroke of Christianity: God’s sacrifice of himself for man. God makes himself the ransom for what could not otherwise be ransomed; God alone has power to absolve us of a debt we can no longer discharge, the creditor offers himself as a sacrifice for his debtor out of sheer love (can you believe it?), out of love for his debtor.
Lastly, these two gems, which I just can’t stand to leave out.
(the terms autonomous and moral are mutually exclusive)
and,
(and all religions are at bottom systems of cruelty)

Friday, August 27, 2010

Allan Megill - Prophets of Extremity

INTRODUCTION

All the writers examined here share an aestheticism, not a concern with aesthetics, but a desire to expand the aesthetic to embrace the whole of reality. Foucault's discourse, Heidegger's language, these stand as successors to the work of art (3). Like the Romantics, these authors saw themselves as living in a time of change. But unlike the Romantics, they saw no promise of return, only a circuitous journey, a crisis without resolution, a dialectic without reintegration. All followed in the footsteps of Kant's third critique, which sought to bring together science (the realm of unfree objects) and morality (the realm of free subjects). All desire to circumvent the subject/object distinction, using art as a mediator. They all follow Schiller in theorizing modern alienation, and Schelling in putting art above philosophy. They all also desire to break down the barriers between philosophy and literature. Megill would have liked to have included Gadamer in this bunch because he thinks of the work of art as the model for all experience, but Gadamer rejects the notion of a radical crisis.

PART I: FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE AS AESTHETICIST

1. Nietzsche and the Aesthetic

Against the "naturalist" interpretation of Nietzsche, Megill argues for an aestheticist view, which sees Nietzsche as questioning the very notion of "natural." Nietzsche gives art an ontogenetic, or world-making, significance (31). He thinks of the "natural" as a human creation, and that nothing is "behind" this web of illusion. As he says, "It is only as an aesthetic phenomenon that existence and the world are eternally justified."

Nietzsche condemns the present world as null but rejects the alternative of searching for another, saying that there is "no true world," only perspectival appearance. Nietzsche desires a return to myth, and he sees in art the method. While the Romantics thought that art could penetrate to the truth of things, Nietzsche believed art is a vehicle of illusion. He sees immediacy as unattainable but still desires it. He delights in the play of language for its own sake.

The early Nietzsche opposes Apollonian formalism and Dionysian formlessness. Men cannot bear the full burden of reality, so the Apollonian veil shields us from its harshness, while the Dionysian tears aside the veil, opening the way to the mysterious primordial unity.

In his later writings, Nietzsche comes to oppose Schopenhauer's will and to desire a justification of life, an affirmation of reality. In the Gay Science he distinguishes between two kinds of art, that done suffering from an impoverishment of life and that done suffering from the over-fullness of life. Only the latter is truly Dionysian. Kaufmann believes that the two figures of Apollo and Dionysus become congealed in Dionysus in the later Nieztsche, but Megill argues that the Dionysian itself undergoes a change. It becomes less an intoxicated reality and more a reality that can be turned into art. With this new conception of Dionysian realism, Apollonian illusionism goes by the wayside.

Nietzsche shares Kant's view that the aesthetic offers an alternative to the mediating and complexifying influence of concepts (48). But while Kant thinks these concepts constitute our world, Nietzsche thinks they dissimulate it. The human intellect claims to give us a true knowledge of the wold when in fact it does not. The world, in Nieztsche's view, is made up of absolutely individualized fragments: no thing, no occurrence, is exactly the same as any other thing or occurrence. We can nonetheless grant concepts an aesthetic, metaphoric status. Truths are illusions of which one has forgotten that this is what they are; metaphors which have become worn out and have lost their sensual power. A free play of intellect delights in play for its own sake, in bringing forward "forbidden metaphors" and "unheard-of combinations of concepts." In Kant, the process of constructing reality is the same for all humankind, but in Nietzsche, the process is highly individual and arbitrary. Concepts order reality for Kant, they dissimulate it for Nietzsche.

The later Nietzsche equates theoretical learning with Apollonianism, which is irremediably hostile to art, which means it is also hostile to culture. Creativity comes from the instincts, the passions, the unconscious - from the dark, hidden recesses of the human spirit, not from theory. The immediacy of unconscious creativity made the Greeks great, and Socrates ruined everything for them by making consciousness creative. After him follows a total inversion of Greek culture. He was the founder of an entirely new system of culture which believed in the profound illusion that thought can penetrate the deepest abysses of being (56). But at its limit, Socratic questioning turns back into and pronounces the need for art.

Logic is the attempt to comprehend the actual world by means of a schema of being posited by ourselves. It is one of man's many arts. But it becomes a problem when rigidified, when philosophers try to mummify our experience in concepts instead of accepting the evidence of the senses, that all is in constant flux. The eternal return is the myth that expresses this flux, but it remains an intuition, never fully developed in Nietzsche's work. He justifies his lack of definition by saying that it is enough to create new names and estimations and probabilities in order to create in the long run new 'things.'" N's remedy for all things is: become an artist. Art is the 'cult of the untrue' that makes bearable for us the general untruth and mendaciousness of the world (64).

2. Nietzsche and Myth

In the positivistic middle period, Nietzsche represents artists as intellectual lightweights. He here thinks of art in a kind of Hegelian way, as a stage on the way to something greater: science. But this is not to say he was a positivist, for he approached science in anticonceptualist terms. Thus, even in his positivistic period, he views science in terms of art, but remains uncertain about its mythical potential.

Myth begins by creating culture, but then it is hardened into religion, where the feeling for myth perishes. The resurgence of myth in Greek culture died with Socrates and the new Alexandrian culture of the theoretical man which sought to dissolve myth (73). We live today in a culture within which the binding force of myth has been loosed. We have made mythic consciousness all but impossible by examining the past in a critical and scientific spirit. The destruction of myth has robbed our culture of any fixed and sacred primordial site.

The problem, then, is to recover myth and to restore the lost vitality of culture. The process by which myth was lost is not to be followed by the reverse process, the gradual awakening of the Dionysian spirit in our modern world. One is reminded of Schelling’s Ages of the World, which looked forward to a golden age when truth becomes fable and fable truth. From logos to mythos we go from a debilitating skepticism and ironism to a renewed ground of certainty.

The myth of the future is the doctrine of eternal return, which is an attack on the ridiculous overestimation and misunderstanding of consciousness (82). Language is the prime expression of the will to power operative in the eternal return. Nietzsche intended eternal return as a denial of both the Christian myth of redemption and the 19th century bourgeois myth of progress. Like many of Foucault and Derrida’s concepts, it is easier to say what eternal return is not than what it is.

The process of interpretation is an infinite unfolding in which a ground is never reached because a ground does not exist. Foucault claimed that Nietzsche contributed a great deal to the liberation of the signifier from its dependence or derivation with respect to the logos and the related concept of truth (85). Nietzsche claims that it is a mistake to the believe that if all perspectives on the world were deducted, a world would still remain over. Facts are precisely what there is not, only interpretation. Interpretation is a total imposition of meaning and reality upon the world.

Though Kant and Nietzsche share many of the same concerns, Kant saw himself as a critic, Nietzsche as an artist and mythmaker. Kant views the categories as world-constitutive, Nietzsche as Verstellung, dissimulation. Nietzsche delighted in interpretation, suggesting that there is a positive enjoyment and nobility in the attempt to throw a new interpretation over the world. What matters for Nietzsche is not the objective “correctness” of interpretation but rather the courage and daring of the interpreter and his ability to pursue his insights at length and in a single direction (91). Nietzsche avers that good interpretation does not stick too close to consciousness, which is a more or less fantastic commentary on an unknown, perhaps unknowable, but felt text. The true thinker is one who escapes an academic gravity and seriousness, who is able to remain airborne, spinning out interpretations of a reality that lies irremediably beyond human ken.

Nietzsche does not believe that language distorts reality but that it is reality – with nothing outside of language to be distorted. Thought is brought back towards language itself, toward its unique and difficult beginning. N’s conception of language as active, independent being, speaking what is allegedly its own truth, provides the framework within which we are able to grasp the role that eternal return plays in his thought.

N’s true predecessor as a mythmaker is Jesus, who is a symbolist par excellence. Nietzsche could not create a myth on his own, however, and only appealed to a hoped-for revival of myth.

PART II: MARTIN HEIDEGGER AND THE IDEALISM OF NOSTALGIA

3. Heidegger and Crisis

In his book about Nietzsche, Heidegger tells us that thinking only begins when we have come to know that reason, glorified for centuries, is the most stiff-necked adversary of thought. Heidegger opposes all manifestations of the scientization of man. He shared the prewar belief that all continuity had been lost and that in consequence new and unexpected possibilities had, for good or ill, been opened up. Like Simmel, he thought of modern man as essentially alienated, characterized by a contradiction between a need for personal spontaneity and an objective, oppressive culture. World War I gave to the crisis notion a much greater currency and breadth. Integrally connected with this sense of crisis was the notion of apocalypitc change and regeneration. While Foucault would embrace the imaginative side of the Nietzschean heritage, Heidegger embraced the nostalgic side. He perpetually wants to go back, to return, to go home again.

In Being and Time, Heidegger says that the banal and superficial life that we lead when, in the broadest sense, we are out meeting the public conceals from us the knowledge that we are alienated beings and makes us feel at home in the world. Fallenness and anxiety here are manifested at all times for Dasein. Through the Destruktion of the history of ontology, Heidegger wants us to return to the question of being. At present we are so concerned with knowing about things that we risk not knowing anything at all. Our conscience calls us back to a (mythologized) origin, but this calling back is also a calling forth. As Derrida notes, Heidegger’s discourse in B&T is dominated by a metaphorics of proximity, of simple immediate presence, neighboring, sheltering, guarding, listening, etc. Heidegger’s nostalgia for an immediate presence can be read as a longing for the immediate Dionysian presence of the origin, from which all division, all separation, all difference is excluded.

Though most of the analysis in B&T is abstract, Heidegger does occasionally get into the particulars of modern life, for instance, when he writes: “In utilizing public means of transport and in making use of information services such as the newspaper, every Other is like the next.” Or when he is concerned with “the anonymous and depersonalized subject of the modern industrial city.” After B&T, Nietzsche became a bigger deal for him. He says in “Plato’s Doctrine of Truth” that ours is the age in which metaphysics is completed or the age in which nihilism comes to the fore (nihilism = the forgetting of being for beings). We are separated from being, from our beginnings, by both the Christian-theological world interpretation and the mathematical-technological thinking of the modern age (132). Heidegger lauds the thoughtfulness and sense of remembrance in peasant and thinks that philosophical work belongs in their midst. His idealization of the Volk is nostalgic in bearing.

In the political writings of the 30’s, Heidegger still thinks there is something to be done, but with his shift toward technology, his thinking becomes less a willing and more a waiting. In the Age of the World Picture, Heidegger accuses Descartes of unjustly equating the hypokeimenon/subiectum (foundation of beings) with man, which prevented beings from simply being. Henceforth being was violently seized upon by the Cartesian cogito, which grasped the world as a picture or model (Bild) standing apart from and against the human subject. This representation is not a self-unconcealment but a laying hold, an assault of man upon beings (139). So too is modern technology a seizing, a challenging-forth, as opposed to Greek techne, which still allowed beings to be. The nihilistic impulse of Western culture finds its culmination in technology, which turn everything into standing-reserve.

4. Heidegger’s Aestheticism

By the early 30’s, Heidegger had become a prophet of extremity. His later writings center around technology and art, the destroying and the saving powers. For the Greeks, techne was a poetic or revealing art, and Heidegger imagines a return to this openness. The later Heidegger is a radically ideal utopian because he feels an absolute revulsion against the present. The crisis of the modern age demands a turning, but the turning itself lies beyond our grasp, and we can only wait.

Heidegger and Hegel share many concerns, and Heidegger takes from him the idea of the end or fulfillment of history. But while Hegel sees what comes earlier as poorer in determination, Heidegger mythologizes the beginning, the Greeks.

The later Heidegger views language as a work of art and as an ontogenesis. He repudiates Sartre’s view that man alone creates, saying instead that what principally exists is being and that man stands out only in the truth of this being. Like Marx, Heidegger posited the estrangement of man but did not look to change the social order. The problem of freedom for Heidegger was rather a personal one, one of thinking. Such thinking is a recollection of being, and nothing else. It has no result. It is to think the world as a poem of its own making. This also means undermining the subject/object division, to question the being of the subject rather than simply assuming it as Kant did. Truth can no longer be conceived as a correspondence between knowing subject and known object but must rather be seen as an “uncoveredness” or “unhiddenness” of the things themselves.

In our “normal,” propositional-conceptual-representation thinking, we project a grid onto the world, onto “things.” But the thing resists this conceptualization, it “evades thought most stubbornly.” Art presents us the thing as thing. Heidegger’s ontological view (as opposed to the aesthetic view) of art holds that art is not mere play (as in Kant) but is rather a revelation of truth and hence of being (159). Hegel held the same view but nonetheless put philosophy above art. Heidegger attacks the “subjectivist” view of art, saying things like, it is not van Gogh who speaks through the painting but the painting itself that speaks. Art simply is, and questions of subjectivity and objectivity are irrelevant. Artwork speaks in a nonsubjective, being-attuned voice. Blanchot and Derrida follow Heidegger but reject truth in art.

In 1959, with On the Way to Language, Heidegger turns from the work of art to language. Language, like art, sets up a world; we must let this enigmatic center that resists clarification speak for itself. Language is the original essence of the truth as there. In language, we find a dwelling, the means for overcoming our crisis. There is no difference between language and being/reality.

Among the poets who Heidegger praises, Holderlin is at the top. With Holderlin, the Hegelian crisis acquires a more markedly nostalgic basis. Holderlin, like Heidegger, sought the rediscovery of the authentic Greek spirit (173).

For Heidegger, thinking is laying inconspicuous furrows in language. The philosopher is a creator who initiates profound transformations by devious paths (reminiscent of Nietzsche). Today we are dominated by a calculative, technological thinking. Heidegger recommends Gelassenheit, a releasement towards things, to combat the uprootedness that our excessive seizure of things has caused us. In the end, then, Heidegger recommends quietism, a reality left as it is.

PART III: MICHEL FOUCAULT AND THE ACTIVISM OF DISCOURSE

5. Foucault and Structuralism

Foucault assumes a crisis similar to Nietzsche and Heidegger. He persistently misuses and misinterprets texts, but this is because he wants them to go out into the world and, by the power of their rhetoric, change it. He wants his works to self-destruct after use, like fireworks. He recognizes his predecessor as Nietzsche, wherein he sees the promise of a postanthropological future. Foucault’s activism is in marked contrast to Heidegger’s quietism. Heidegger embraces the nostalgic side of Nietzsche, Foucault the imaginative side.

Foucault’s influences outside of philosophy include Artaud and Bataille, who intensified Kojeve’s notion of the violence of the dialectic to shake up the dialectic. Artaud and Bataille both expressed an “excessive” character similar to Foucault. He was also influenced by the structuralisms which attempt to move the center of intellectual concern away from the speaking subject and toward the structure of the language being spoken.

In his first works, the History of Madness and the Birth of the Clinic, Foucault is still concerned with uncovering an “experience,” though this notion of experience drops out of the picture in the Order of Things and the Archaeology of Knowledge, replaced by a concern with “language” or “discourse” (191). In these two later works, Foucault is under the “illusion of an autonomous discourse,” like the aestheticist Nietzsche and the later Heidegger.

Foucault sees the history of the west as a conflict between Same and Other; when an Other is absent, it must be invented, as demonstrated in the History of Madness, where a society deprived of lepers turn toward the insane to enclose. And in the Birth of the Clinic, which places bodily illness under the same gaze. And in Discipline and Punish, where criminals are put under observation in the same way as the insane. In all, Foucault is concerned with a mounting series of attacks on the existing order of things. The presence of crisis is indicated by his well-known penchant for seeing history as broken by a series of ruptures or discontinuities. Foucault identifies with no particular subjugated knowledge but with subjugated knowledge as such. All knowledge is connected to power, and since there is no such thing as objective knowledge, one must be active in shaping it.

Megill portrays Foucault as a utopian idealist in rejecting the present in all its forms. But utopia can never be reached, and thus all one can do is constantly contest the existing order, involve oneself in a permanent revolution.

In his early “phenomenological” works, Foucault contends that the concept of mental illness has wiped out our contact with this experience, and thus he wants to go back and let madness speak for itself, before it was captured by knowledge. This is not unlike the phenomenologist’s desire to get back to the “thing itself.” In his next “structuralist” stage, being the Order of Things and the Archaeology of Knowledge, experience disappears; he now proposes to substitute for the enigmatic treasure of ‘things’ anterior to discourse the regular formation of objects that emerge only in discourse (203). The object, a something independent of the subject, is destroyed, and the destruction of the object is accompanied by the destruction of the subject as well.

Foucault might be characterized as a structuralist inasmuch as 1) he is concerned with language, 2) he attacks subjectivism and anthropologism, 3) he focuses on discontinuity rather than diachrony, 4) he speaks in binary oppositions (Same v. Other), 5) and he talks about the concept of the sign. Megill rejects these attributions one by one. First, Foucault’s concern with language has more to do with Mallarmé than Saussure, and his rejection of subjectivism more to do with Nietzsche and Heidegger. His focus on discontinuity has nothing to do with the synchronic/diachronic division, and his attraction to binary oppositions was rather temporary and unimportant. Finally, there is his concern with the sign. The Order of Things is no doubt concerned with language, but less language as a system of signs and more language as an ontogenetic work of art. He argues that representation is characteristic of the classical episteme in the way signification is of the modern episteme. Representation involves a doubling, a signifier and a signified. Signification involves only signifiers in a play of difference. Because for Foucault there is no transcendental signified today, there can be no sign, and thus the fifth connection to structuralism is refuted.

Megill continues with more debate on whether or not Foucault is a structuralist. He then talks about Derrida’s view of structuralism, which is of course that it is intimately tied up with logocentrism, the metaphoric of light and vision, the persistent Apollonianism of Western philosophy, etc. Foucault is part of this tradition too, portraying for us a lucent, Apollonian world, says Derrida.

6. Beyond Structuralism

In Foucault, as in in Nietzsche, art is a matter not of truth but of lie. Foucault radically denies the notion of return as involving the recovery of something that is simply there, waiting for us to pick it up again. The Archaeology of Knowledge displays this disappearance of any such nostalgic and lyrical suggestion. In it, both “work of art” and “language” are replaced by “discourse.” Foucault holds up Nietzsche, Marx and Freud as having discovered that there is no solid and objective truth that can serve as a point of termination. In this middle period, we see Foucault turning away from discourse conceived as a system of signs pointing outward and toward a discourse that would systematically form the objects of which it speaks. Yet his commitment to the principle of exteriority, which states the lack of any depth or ultimate referrent, remains inconsistent, for he continues to conceive of his project in terms of the visual and spatial metaphoric evoked in Chapter 5. See the Order of Things, where he talks about an “order that manifests itself in depth” and “this order, taken as a firm foundation.” But by the Archaeology of Knowledge, his rejection of images of depth is unequivocal. “We do not seek below what is manifest the half silent murmur of another discourse.”

The Archaeology of Knowledge is the most consistently misread of all Foucault’s works. One should know first that it is a parodic repetition of Descartes’ Discourse on Method. Its basic thesis, insofar as it can be said to have one, is that the uncovering of the archive - the first law of what can be said, the system that governs the appearance of statements as unique events - can be carried out only by an analysis that is concerned neither with the internal play of signifiers (literary critics) nor with the external reference of signifieds (historiography). But what the uncovering of the archive is is never made clear. The work is an attack on science, on the whole idea of an objective knowing. He writes that in “archaeological analysis,” “one is not seeking to pass from the text to thought, from talk to silence, from the exterior to the interior, form spatial dispersion to the pure recollection of the moment, from superficiality to profound unity. One remains within the dimension of discourse.”

The Archaeology of Knowledge is still, however, caught up within the spatial metaphoric. In the writings that come after it, Foucault abandons the lingering theoreticism of that work. This shift toward a notion of discourse as praxis can be linked to the events of 1968. After 1970, Foucault characterizes his work not as archaeology but as genealogy, at which point he also acknowledges the fictional character of his historical writings. He says in an interview that “I am well aware that I have never written anything but fictions. It seems to me that it is possible to make fiction work inside of truth, to induce truthful effects with a fictional discourse.” Foucault accepts, in his later writings, Nietzsche’s notion of history as something that propagates, or at any rate ought to propagate, myths that will be useful in the present. If Heidegger’s project may be titled Waiting for Godot, Foucault’s may be called Running after Godot - it being understood that Godot will not allow himself to be caught, if he exists at all.

Whereas in the Archaeology of Knowledge, discourse was a kind of plane surface that one seeks to order or disorder, it is now seen, in his later work, as that for which, that by which one struggles, the power that one seeks to seize. Pre-1969, he dealth almost exclusively with linguistic practices; after 1969, he deals with social practices that formed by institutions and discourse.

In the Will to Knowledge, Foucault denies the “repression hypothesis,” claiming that sexuality has not been repressed in the modern world but has rather proliferated. He portrays discourse here as something that goes out to battle. He is viewing the world as if it were discourse. In the reigning discourse, homosexuality is subjected to exclusion, and Foucault wants to show that absolutely arbitrary character of that exclusion. To be sure, when the present order is overturned and the subversive discourse becomes the reigning one, it, too, will be subject to discursive attack. Foucault articulates an instrument of systematic suspicion toward any order whatsoever.

Power in the later Foucault “tends to occupy the ‘anonymous’ place which classical treatises in metaphysics reserved for substance” (240). One can only understand Foucault’s conception of power when we understand his turn to Nietzsche. He conceives power not as a negative but a positive phenomenon: “Power produces; it produces reality; it produces domains of objects and rituals of truth.” Discipline and Punish testifies to this new conception of power, for its central contention is that the social role of the prison was not to repress delinquency but to create it. By manufacturing a threat to social stability, the prison provided a rationale for the construction of the vast apparatus of control and discipline that now dominates bourgeois society. We all are caught within disciplinary systems - micro-pouvoirs. These systems exist throughout bourgeois society and control our behavior without our knowing it. This disciplinary power is exercised through its invisibility, yet at the same time, it imposes on those whom it subjects a principle of compulsory visibility. Foucault engages in a reversal of Rousseau, viewing as insidious and threatening what he saw as desirable. Foucault said in an interview that “what I am trying to do is grasp the implicit systems which determine our most familiar behavior without our knowing it. Against the will to knowledge that has dominated our perception, he deploys a will to creative opinion. He engages in a legitimate rhetorical tactic, telling us lies about the past in order to open our eyes to the reality of the present. But the present reality is also a fiction. The question remains, however, whether the “dream of Apocalypse” that Foucault puts before us is really one we want to make our own.

Marx and Foucault both see the connection between knowledge and power, but Marx is committed to a notion of objective science, which grounds his revolution. Without a similar ground, Foucault’s revolution is against everything. Again, why should we opt for Foucault?

Foucault believed that thought is not theoretically, that it acts. This notion of the ontogenetic function of discourse has a strategic potential: it opens up a space within which the bearer of discourse can act to change the world. In the Will to Knowledge and elsewhere, Foucault articulates an antinaturalism, claiming that there is nothing natural about the current order and that it can and ought to be changed. There is no “natural,” just successive regimes of power. The same goes for Foucault’s own writings: there is no one Foucault, just a succession of positions.

PART IV: ON THE MEANING OF JACQUES DERRIDA

7. The Deconstruction of Crisis

To interpret Derrida is already an act of violence because his writings are literally non-sensical. As opposed to Foucault, with Derrida one finds an anti-ocular, antispatial stance so radical that all positions seem to be wiped away as soon as they become visible. Derrida’s irony is so radical that he rejects the ideal, utopian worlds of Nietzsche, Heidegger and Foucault.

In the Critique of Judgment, Kant founded the philosophy of art; Derrida seeks to undermine this philosophy by calling into question the distinction between art and reality. This attack on aestheticism is coupled with one on the root of nihilism: historicism (being any attribution of directionality to history). This also undermines crisis thought. Megill chooses to see Derrida’s project as twofold: deconstruction of crisis (historicism) and deconstruction of art. Derrida’s comical catharsis is postethical, aesthetic laughter.

Derrida shares much with the other prophets of extremity, but undermines their projects in important ways. Against Foucault’s apocalyptic vision of history, Derrida makes no ringing claims to have detected earthquakes in the offing or the imminent wiping out of man. Derrida’s real interest seems to be in opening us up to the hermeneutical possibilities of the written word (271). His project is explicitly anti-Hegelian. He refers ‘to Hegel, who is always right as soon as one opens one’s mouth in order to articulate meaning.’ All Derrida’s texts are prefatory, meaning they do not point toward a rational end but are rather dogged and aimless crisscrossing of territory.

One of Derrida’s favorite tools is the “rule of four,” also known as dissemination. If the threefold dialectic is a process of reproduction, the fourfold dissemination is a falling of seed on barren ground. The possibility of a fourth moment of the dialectic destroys the whole dialectical machine. Position, negation, negation of the negation, deconstruction (Nietzsche, Heidegger, Foucault, Derrida).

As opposed to Foucault, who gave up the formal study of philosophy, Derrida remained within philosophy. Whereas Foucault’s concern with alterity was with different oppressed groups (the sick, the insane, criminals, sexual deviants), Derrida’s was with alterity as such.

Derrida devotes a great deal of time to literature, specifically Artaud, Bataille, Sollers and above all Mallarme. Like Blanchot, he rejects Heidegger’s idea of truth in art; art, in Blanchot’s view, hides itself from signification, designating that region where nothing lives. Blanchot makes a distinction, following Mallarme, between parole brute - language as it is concerned with the reality of things - and parole essentielle - language which distances us from things, making them disappear. Parole essentielle is the language of poetry.

Derrida’s primary “thesis” is that over the course of Western history writing has been abased in favor of speech. Speech stands for immediacy, writing for secondariness. Writing, the sensible inscription, has always been considered by Western tradition as the body and matter external to the spirit, to breath, to speech, and to the logos. Writing is presented as the dissimulation of the natural, primary and immediate presence of sense to the soul within the logos. From this follow Derrida’ attack on Hegel’s “here and now” and Husserl’s “living present.”

Adopting Rorty’s “hermeneutical stance,” Derrida tells us that there is nothing outside of the text, that interpretation is an endless play that connects with no extra-interpretive referent. Literature is at once reassured and threatened by the fact of depending only on itself, standing in the air, all alone, separated from being. “Traditional” criticism always seeks a theme that is outside the text. Derrida hopes that “language is beginning to let itself be transferred to, or at least summarized under, the name of writing. Yet Derrida’s apocalypticism is tempered by humor, not at all like Foucault’s.

Derrida undermines crisis philosophy by revealing that it is based on a certain view of history that is linear or directional. 19th c. historicism gave way to 20th c. crisis commitment. The convincing power of the crisis notion depends on one’s prior belief in the linear or directional character of history, yet the whole point of the crisis notion is to undermine any such belief.

8. The Deconstruction of Art

The other prophets of extremity flirt with their aesthetic strands, but Derrida’s is so prominent that we might be inclined to confine ourselves to a reflection on art and aesthetics alone. Derrida can be seen as providing the intellectual or philosophical complement to such aesthetic developments as Duchamp’s urinal/foundation and Christo’s monumental sculptures.

The two traditions Derrida deals with are philosophy and Judaism, which he conceives as both an historical reality and a symbol of marginality. Megill links Derrida’s deconstruction of art to four names: 1) Levinas and the question of the other, 2) Jabes and the question of writing, 3) Freud and the question of interpretation, and 4) Kant and the question of art.

With Levinas, Derrida calls into question Husserl’s unswerving allegiance to the visual metaphors of theory and intuition. He also argues against Heidegger that his distinction between Being and beings, and the alleged priority of the former to the latter, is a manifestation of the most vicious of all tyrannies, that of the same over the other. This compromises the alterity of the other, enclosing it within an other-denying totality. The distinguishing feature of Western civilization has been the advance of reason; this project is utterly dependent for its persistence on the preservation of precisely that interiority which the advance of reason aims to destroy. To Western philosophy Levinas opposed eschatology, which institutes a relation with being beyond the totality or beyond history. Derrida focuses on Levinas’ conflict between an eschatological Judaism and a totalizing Greek philosophy. Against Levinas he sees in the Greek tradition an alterity that is explcitly denied. He also maintains that the “themes of nonpresence” work over phenomenology unceasingly. In brief, he argues that Western philosophy is always already fissured by alterity, and also that Hebraism is corrupted by the totalitarian violence that it seeks to evade. Whereas Levinas presents himself as an apologist for a pristine Judaism, Derrida can do nothing more than point out the impossibility of such a Judaism. Derrida thus attempts to erase the distinction between Hebraism and Hellenism.

The name of the secondariness that follows from the death of God is writing. Derrida stands as a successor to the Kabbalah, for where the Kabbalists sought, through the manipulation of words and letters, to find a path back through the ten Sefirot to God, Derrida takes the manipulation of words and letters as something close to an end in itself. While Nietzsche deals with nihilism, Heidegger with technology and Foucault with humanism, Derrida confronts the holocaust. Derrida is attracted to Jabes because he connects Judaism and writing. Viewed in a longer historical perspective, the labyrinthine text that is Derrida’s can be seen as having its precursor in the labyrinthine wanderings of the Jew. The encyclopedic, that is, circular Book gives way to the post-Nietzschean figure of the ellipse - the ellipse of writing that lacks the center of a meaning. Two figures are important for Derrida: the poet and the rabbi.

Since Freud saw himself as a man of science, he is distant from the prophets of extremity and their antiscientism. Lorin Anderson argues that Freud was a secret disciple of Nietzsche. But Freud is better seen is one of the prime mythopoeic thinkers of our age. The modernist Freud offers a way of living. The Freudian analytic attidue gives us the detachment needed to survive the modern, crisis-ridden civilization. Post-moderns reject this, praising him rather for his skills as an interpreter. Freud the modernist as epistemologist, Freud the post-modernist as hermeneut, playing with text. An investment in “reality” supposedly separates Freud from the prophets of extremity, but his reality is highly elusive. It is not what happened that is important but what the fantasies about what happened were. Freud had the courage and imagination to build, on a foundation terrifying in its exiguousness, an immense interpretive edifice. Freud’s hostily to art marks him off from other aestheticist thinkers? Derrida stresses the fictive aspect of psychoanalysis. And Freud’s dream interpretation bears a striking resemblance to Derrida’s wordplay. Glas is an intellectual fantasy constructed from the detritus of 2500 years of western culture just as the dream work is constructed from the detritus of the day.

All the prophets of extremity desire a “mythic moment” except for Derrida, who is too ironic to articulate myth. He argues that art is as much under the sway of the Greek logos as philosophy is. That central to Derrida’s project is an importing into the realm of ideas what was already present in practice in the realm of art. Like postmodernists he substitutes for the modernist faith in depth and penetration an adherence to surfaces. One has in Derrida the sense of an ending, of both Hegelianism and Nietzscheanism.

CONCLUSION

Modern Western intellectual history has up to now been mainly defined by the thought of the Enlightenment. The prophets of extremity try to deal with the crisis of the Enlightenment with aestheticism, which Megill defines as “an attempt to bring back into thought and into our lives that form of edification, that reawakening of ekstasis, which in the Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment view has been largely confined to the realm of art.” Aestheticism can lead to both activity (Foucault) and passivity (Heidegger). Megill expresses worry about Foucault’s confusion of discourse and world. He concludes by saying we ought to approach this kind of aestheticism with a sympathetic skepticism. The intent of the prophets of extremity was to break us out of our routine, but once they accomplish this, one must ask, “Now what?” They are therapeutic thinkers, attacking received ideas, demolishing previous platitudes. Megill worries about the crisis notion as itself a danger.

The thinkers in this book remind us that there are compelling reasons for disbelieving in the One True Way. This is all the more important today when total destruction is a real possibility.

Friday, July 9, 2010

The Anti-Christ

Nietzsche, 1888

Preface

This book is written for the higher men, who might not yet exist. Whoever will read it needs to be hard, used to solitude, and equipped with new ears, new eyes, and a new conscience to bear truths that have never before been articulated.

Main Text


The text begins by denouncing the present age for the insipidity of its moderate virtues. In contrast, the new man understand the good as that which augments the feeling of power, evil as weakness, happiness as the feeling of resistance overcome. Christianity, with its pity for the weak, must be overcome.


The question, then, is what sort of new man must be bred or willed as most valuable. Progress will not bring inevitably the desirable future. On occasion, it breeds something higher, but, on the whole, the modern man falls much below the Renaissance man in worth. Christianity has waged war against the higher man. The virtues and understandings of good and evil it promotes are signs of “decadence.”


Pity is the technic of nihilism; it makes suffering contagious. It thwarts evolution by preserving the weak, and encourages denial of life in favor of another world. The theologians are the greatest perpetrators of these perverse values, though theologians, of course, also include traditional philosophers. The Germans above all are guilty of this; that is why they welcome Kant so gratefully. He allowed faith to continue by making the other world no longer refutable, even if not actually provable. The theological instinct is the instinct for faith. Faith is faulty vision.
Nietzsche then goes on to critique Kant’s notion of the categorical imperative as life denying. The true virtue, he claims, is judged by the amount of pleasure it brings. Kant’s universal virtue turns the actor into an automaton, an idiot. And yet, this paradigm still holds. All free spirits are persecuted. They have the entire world in opposition to their notions of good and truth. For all of their superiority, though, they are much more humble. They recognize man as an animal – the sickliest animal, if the most interesting. Most men view the human “spirit” as a sign of our advancement. The new man, however, recognizes it as a mistake, an unnecessary use of spiritual energy. He knows that nothing “which is done consciously can be done perfectly.” To take away the physical in favor of the spirit is to be left with “miscalculation.” This alienation from the physical – even nature becomes synonymous with the fall – means that Christianity has no point of contact with reality. Instead, it offers imaginary causes.
Similarly, this alienation from reality allows Christianity to see itself as an improvement on Judaism. Ancient Judaism still had a God that expressed the strength, pride, and gratitude of the Jewish people. Now, though, he is everywhere, dispersed everywhere, existing in hidden corners. The Christian God is highly decadent, a God understood as the contradiction of life. It does no credit to the barbarians of northern Europe that they accepted this God.

Christianity’s nihilism, however, shouldn’t be confused with Buddhism. Buddhism belongs to a much older, more spiritually advanced people. It preaches moderation, as if to an ill or depressed man. It seeks cheerfulness and, unlike Christianity, attains its goals. Christianity, however, was created to be much more violent, to force the strong, young barbarians, to turn their liveliness and violence against themselves. The naivete of the Christian is seen in the desire to understand why one suffers. The Buddhist accepts it; the Christian demands an explanation. The only way to justify all of the suffering found and inflicted by the religion was to make it into a tradition of love. “Love is the state in which men see things most decidedly as they are not. … When a man is in love he endures more than at any other time; he submits to anything. The problem was to devise a religion which would allow one to love” (sec 23).


N then goes on to examine the origin of Christianity, claiming it is directly continuous with Judaism. The Jews, he thought, were the most remarkable people who ever lived, because, confronted with the decision of whether to live or not to live, they chose to live at any price. Faced with a hostile world, they defied it. While they have the appearance of decadents, they are the opposite, adopting such measures as an expression of vitality. The priests of these traditions weaken and infect others as a means to an ends, as an expression of vital interest. This trend is linked to this history of Judaism. Originally, the god of Israel was an expression of strength. When he failed, though, rather than abandon him, the Jews denaturalized him.
The priest became central to the narrative, and developed the Scripture as a means of control. Everything became reduced to “obedience or disobedience to God,” which is to say, obedience or disobedience to the priest.
Basically, Nietzsche read Jesus as a revolt against priestly values, the hierarchy in society, the idea of “superior men.” But because this hierarchy was all that held the Jewish people together, Jesus was killed as a political criminal. He died for his own sins. As a psychological type, Jesus suffered from extreme susceptibleness to pain, as if to be touched was unendurable, as every sensation was too profound. The true original teaching of Christianity, then, is that there is no more need to resist anything, because the kingdom of God is at hand already. There is no more distinction between this world and another. Sin, then, is a later invention. It would have been incoherent to make claims about the distance between man and God, because the entire point of the good news was that this distance had been abolished. Everything natural, temporal spatial was a sign, the inspiration for a parable; the only truths were subjective truths (34). This was true Christianity; however, 19 centuries has only taught the antithesis to it, leading to the divinization of hierarchies, the Church, and the gap between this world and the next.

“There was only one Christian and he died on the cross” (sec 39). The Christian as we know him is a delusion, a cover behind which he allows his instincts to play. Christianity as we understand it developed from the love of the disciple, incapable of understanding why Jesus had died. When faced with this question, he blamed it on ruling Judaism. Christianity then became a revolt against the established order, despite the fact that nothing in the character of Jesus had suggested it. Jesus became a sacrifice, a promise for another world, essentially a fraud perpetrated by Paul who was suffering from the priestly instinct. Christianity became a manifestation of resentment.


Christianity is linked to democracy. It owes its success to flattering the ego of the vain by raising every individual up to a position of epic importance. The tendency to range oneself as part of a community of the good and just against the rest of the world signals unprecedented megalomania (which is a weird critique from the theorist of the ubermensch). A critique of specific bible passages follows, which Nietzsche dismisses as filthy.

Science is the greatest enemy of God; it is “the original sin.” It was the discovery of science which filled God with fear and set him against man. So to speak. God here, of course, really means the priest, who is afraid above all of losing his power through science. The whole moral order was set up against science. Grace, sin, salvation, were all invented to destroy man’s sense of causality.

Nietzsche launches into a psychological portrait of the believer, who he sees as manifesting a broken will. The believer wants to think that just because he believes faith makes blessedness that therefore makes the proposition true. He doesn’t want to face the fact that all truth must be fought for. Faith validates decadence and illness. Martyrs likewise have damaged truth by creating the illusion that there must be truth in any cause that a man is willing to die for. This has slowed the spirit of scientific inquiry.


Great intellectuals are skeptics. Freedom from conviction is a sign of strength. Conviction for the great intellect is at most a means. For the weak, it is the ends. It shows man incapable of positing himself as the telos.

The ends of lying must be asked. “The fact that, in Christianity, ‘holy’ ends are not visible is my objection to the means it employs. Only bad ends appear; the poisoning, the calumniation, the denial of life, the despising of the body… - therefore its means are also bad.” The anarchist and the Christian are both destructive figures. Christianity destroyed “the whole harvest of ancient civilization” by crushing science, elevating resentment to a guiding principle. Moreover, Christianity, specifically the Germans, destroyed the Renaissance, the one effort of transvaluation of Christian values. Just at the moment that the corruption and vitality of Rome was becoming apparent, Luther appeared.

The book ends by condemning Christianity and calling for a transvaluation of all values, starting from the present.

Saturday, July 3, 2010

Walter Kaufmann - Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist

PART I: BACKGROUND

1. Nietzsche's Life as Background of His Thought

1) 1872-76 - Early works dealing with the problem of values (Birth of Tragedy, Untimely Meditations)
2) 1876-82 - Psychological Inquiries leading to the Discovery of the Will to Power (Human All-too-Human, Dawn, Gay Science, Zarathustra)
3) 1882-88 - Return to value problem (Zarathustra on...)
4) 1889 = insane. 1888 was not insanity but free expression. Ecce Homo attests to his vitriolic denunciation of any Darwinistic construction of the overman, of racism, of German nationalism (56). After the collapse in the street, then everything starts to go downhill. Cannot get rid of any of N's works by referring to madness. Notes collected in "The Will to Power" are suggestive and interesting, but far overvalued as a result of his sister's propagandizing.

2. Nietzsche's Method

a) Aphorisms: we are confronted with a "pluralistic universe" in which each aphorism is itself a microcosm (62)
b) Style of Decadence: used to style of decadence to overcome Wagner's decadence (65).
c) Anti-system: N did not like systems because they could not question their own basis and thus limited critique. Building systems is childish. In the end, systems are good for the man who uses them intelligently, but bad for the philosopher who artificially imprisons his thought in one of them (67). N, like Plato, is not a system-thinker but a problem thinker (68). Whereas Hegel sought to say that all past systems are in part true, N had no love for all past systems (70).
d) Scientific Experimentalism: N's experimentalism -> philosopher must be willing to experiment. N wanted to be more scientific like Hegel, but his was not improved rigorousness of a system but the fearless experimentation of gay science (71).
e) Existentialism: To Hegel, N would say his questions are too abstract. Only problems which present themselves so forcefully that they threaten the thinker's present mode of life lead to philosophic inquiries -> existentialism. Necessity of "living through" problems. Convictions are only ways to make more hypotheses.

3. The Death of God and the Revaluation

In the parable of the madman (Gay Science), N imagines himself mad, having lost God (81). N wants to imagine the death of God not just as metaphysic speculation but as a diagnosis of contemporary civilization (84). "To escape nihilism - which sees involved both in asserting the existence of God and thus robbing this world of ultimate significance, and also in denying God and thus robbing everything of meaning and value - that is N's greatest and most persistent problem" (86). What is needed: a revaluation of all values.

Kant always assumed the possibility of synthetic judgments a priori, while N wanted to question precisely the value of those a priori judgments. Kant and Hegel are merely servants and laborers; N is a value-legislator (91). Philosopher is a surgeon (92).

N does not provide us with a comprehensive list of values, but he does praise honesty, courage, generosity, politeness and integrity. Really, revaluation means war against accepted valuations, not the creation of new ones (93). "The revaluation is the discovery that our morality is, by its own standards, poisonously immoral: that Christian love is the mimicry of impotent hatred; that most unselfishness is but a particularly vicious form of selfishness; and that ressentiment is at the core of our morals" (96).

PART II: THE DEVELOPMENT OF N'S THOUGHT

4. Art and History

Crown of N's philosophy: overman and eternal recurrence. Key conception: will to power. Primary concern: values. What does nihilism mean? That the highest values disvalue themselves (103).

Birth of Tragedy (1872): The object of attack in N's early works is the State (103). In the Birth of Tragedy, only as an aesthetic phenomenon is life and the world justified eternally (104). In Schelling's later "positive" philosophy, he worried about the "ultimate despair" of the individual, which would interest both K and N. But N is closer to the Enlightenment than Schelling and K, who emphasize a leap into revealed religion (106). Key concepts in Birth of Tragedy are Apollinian (harmony, beauty, individuation) and Dionysian (drunken frenzy that destroys all forms). Culture is a contest between two violently opposed forces. The later Dionysus in N's work is a synthesis of Dionysus and Apollo from the Birth of Tragedy. N claims sickness as one of the great stimulants of life. Health is for him not an accidental lack of infection but the ability to overcome disease (111).

First Meditation - David Strauss, the Confessor and the Writer (1873): "The typical mediocrity, however, which most provokes N is the comfortable and untroubled renunciation of Christianity, coupled with an easy conviction that Darwin was one of mankind's greatest benefactors" (115). "The problem of the old faith and the new, the challenge of Darwin, and the sanction and derivation of moral values: these are the themes of most of N's later works" (116).

Second Meditation - On the Use and Abuse of History for Life (1874): Three key concepts are historical, unhistorical and suprahistorical (122). The study of history does not make us happy. "The unhistorical and the historical are needed equally for the health of an individual, a people and a culture" (123). Both are necessary, forgetting and remembering. What about suprahistorical? Historical man has faith in the future. The suprahistorical man is the one "who does not envisage salvation in the process but for whom the world is finished in every single moment and its end attained. What could ten new years teach that the past could not teach?" (125). N specifically disagrees with the optimism of the Hegelians and the Darwinists. Empirical history not one of progress. The goal of humanity cannot lie in the end but only in its highest specimens (127). If man's value is zero, adding zeros won't add to his value. What comes later is not necessarily more valuable. The gulf which separates Plato from the average man is greater than the cleft between the average man and a chimpanzee (128). History is not a process but a timeless allegory. Historical events are looked to less with an eye to literal accuracy or correctness than to circumscribe an everyday melody, to elevate it, to intensify it into a comprehensive symbol of a timeless theme (130).

5. Existenz versus the State, Darwin and Rousseau

Third Meditation - Schopenhauer as Educator (1874): The consummation of N's early philosophy. Implicit distinction between man's true nature and man's nature (134). Man's fundamental problem is to achieve a true "existence" instead of letting his life be no more than just another accident. How does one become what one is? The State is depreciated here for preventing man from realizing himself. N in fact opposes any overestimation of the political. "The kingdom of God is in the hearts of men - and N accuses Christianity of having betrayed this fundamental insight from the beginning, whether by transferring the kingdom into another world, and thus depreciating this life, or by becoming political and seeking salvation through organizations, churches, cults, sacraments or priests" (141). Salvation is a question for the single one. N was woken from his dogmatic slumber by Darwin like Kant was by Hume. If we canot discover a new picture of man which will again give him a sense of essential dignity, the State will, in the hands of military despots (142).

Three conceptions of man: 1) Rousseau urges revolution and a return to nature. 2) Goethe's calm antithesis to the youthful cult of Rousseau's gospel. 3) Schopenhauer. This essay could have been called on the Use and Abuse of the Apollinian and the Dionysian (144). Rousseau = Dionysus. Three criticisms of Rousseau: 1) he contributed to formation of modern State, 2) against brotherhood of man, pro-individuation, 3) no return to nature, but to improve nature. Here N's the aim of culture and nature are the same: the aim of culture is the perfection of nature (147). Man must help nature work at its own perfection. N's early attempt at solving value problem breaks down when he cannot determine what specimens are the most valuable. How can he defend his assumption that artist, saint and philosophers are the highest forms of life? (152). The dichotomy between the two selves, an empirical self and a "true self," reappears in N's account of nature.

6. The Discovery of the Will to Power

With the discovery of the will to power, N's early dualistic tendencies reduced to manifestations of this basic drive. A reconciliation was finally effected between Dionysus and Apollo, nature and value, wastefulness and purpose, empirical and true self, and physis and culture (152). Life is not a struggle for survival but a will to power.

Will to power first appears in the late 1870's as one of two psychological phenomena: fear (negative) and will to power (positive). In the psychological studies Human All-too-Human and Dawn, he shows how valuations are rationalizations of more basic interests. Gratitude is a mild form of revenge, for instance. To want pity is to want others to suffer with us. Even apparent negations of the will to power are the will to power. Power is enjoyed only as more power. One enjoys not its possession but its increase: the overcoming of impotence (159). Eventually he decides fear is just the negative aspect of the will to power. Dawn is the final dress rehearsal for the will to power, The Gay Science for the eternal recurrence, and Zarasthustra their first performance. When N finally realized the Greeks were driven by the will to power, he completed his transition to monism. The will to power fro then on is envisaged as the basic drive of all human efforts (166). Both the weak and the powerful are imbued with the will to power, though they obviously manifest it in very different ways. "Qualitative differences between various modes of power are reducible to more basic quantitative differences; rationality is taken to be the mark of great power; and with this crucial "qualification," the quantitative degree of power is the measure of value" (173). The will to power is essentially the will to overcome oneself. In so defining it, N has to again rely on a distinction between power and true power, between Rousseau's nature and true nature. Philosophy is the most spiritual will to power, as evidenced by Hegel's "Gothic heaven-storming." But unlike Hegel, N did not think the world was ever quite so knowable. Later N will say that the will to power is not just self-overcoming but the basic principle of all life.

PART III: NIETZSCHE'S PHILOSOPHY OF POWER

7. Morality and Sublimation

Self-criticism is the core of man's morality; wherever he is found, he imposes restraints on himself. In terms of his early work, N might have said that reason needs to take control of the will to power, Apollo taking control of Dionysus. But now there is nothing but the will to power, so it must overcome itself (185). The process and control of the will to power that is not simply its rejection N calls sublimation. It was N who gave sublimation the meaning it has today. Sublimation could include substitute satisfactions, implanting regularity in the drive, generating oversaturation and disgust, associating it with an agonizing thought or dislocating its force. But it cannot include self-exhaustion or self-mortification. "This contrast of the abnegation, repudiation and extirpation of the passions on the one side, and their control and sublimation on the other, is one of the most important points in N's entire philosophy" (193). A man without impulses could not do good nor create the beautiful any more than a castrated man could beget children. He despises Christianity for suppressing rather than attempting to sublimate the drives. W can now understand what the early N meant by "organizing the chaos" and "transfigured physis" (196).

8. Sublimation, Geist, and Eros

N often used sublimation alongside spiritualization (Vergeistigung). After the discovery of the will to power, reason/spirit as well as our passions are both its derivatives. Rationality gives man mastery over himself and as the will to power is essentially the instinct of freedom (198). Reason is the "highest" manifestation of the will to power, in the distinct sense that through rationality it can realize its objective most fully. Reason gives us the skills to develop foresight and to give consideration to all the impulses, to organize their chaos, to integrate them into a harmony - and thus to give man power: power over himself and over nature (199). His attack on systems is based on the objection to the irrationality which he finds in the failure to question premises. Philosophy is the most spiritual will to power, and the spiritualization of sensuality is called love: it is a great triumph over Christianity. The truly rational man need not go to war against his impulses (203). The will to power is thus neither identical with reason nor opposed to it, but potentially rational.

N was a dialectical monist: like Hegel, he found a single word to epitomize the entire dialectic. Like Hegel's aufheben, N's sublimation is a simultaneous preserving, canceling and lifting up. Sublimation is possible only because there is a basic force (the will to power) which is defined in terms of an objective (power) which remains the same throughout all "metamorphoses." It is the very essence of the will to power to manifest itself in one way and then to sublimate its manifestations. Both Hegel and N rejected any monism that could not explain diversity better than Thales' principle of water. N's will to power differs from Schopenhauer's will, much as Hegel's Absolute differs from that of his predecessors, Schelling's, in particular (206). Both Hegel and N postulated a single basic force whose very essence it is to manifest itself in diverse ways and to create multiplicity - not ex nihilo, but out of itself (207). "The will to power is always at war with itself. The battle between reason and impulse is only one of countless skirmishes. All natural events, all history, and the development of every human being, consist in a series of such contests: all that exists strives to transcend itself and is thus engaged in a fight against itself. The acorn strives to become an oak tree, though this involves its ceasing to be an acorn and, to that extent, self-overcoming" (209). Differences with Hegel: 1) N more concerned with individual states of mind, 2) N more willing to emphasize suffering and cruelty, stressing the painful aspect of self-overcoming.

N called his principle the will to power rather than the instinct of freedom to emphasize that all living creatures strive to enhance themselves, to generate more life, not simply to exist freely. Both Freud and N preferred terms that shocked people, sex and power. But N was no more endorsing the will to power wholesale than Freud was endorsing sex.

It is of the very essence of the living that it denies itself the gratification of some of its impulses, even that it sacrifices life itself, for more life and power. The will to power is more important than the will to life. The powerful man is the creative man; but the creator is not likely to abide by previously established laws. Every creation is a creation of new norms (217). Great power reveals itself in great self-mastery. It is thus weakness either to give in to one's impulses and to be arbitrary and wild or to resort to the extirpation of the impulses. The asceticism of powerful men consists in the sublimation of their impulses, in the organization of the chaos of their passions, and in man's giving "style" to his own character (219).

9. Power versus Pleasure

Happiness is elastic, men can gain it in many ways. Happiness is not pleasure but power. Pleasure is coextensive with consciousness, while power does not necessarily require any conscious state or feeling. The striving for pleasure is simple an epiphenomenon of the will to power. The will to power is neither a being nor a becoming, but a pathos - it is the most fundamental fact from which becoming and affecting result (228). Hume is right that only habit leads us to causality. The alleged instinct for causality is merely the fear of the unaccustomed and the attempt to discover in it something that we are acquainted with - a search not for causes, but for what we are acquainted with (229).

In short, man by nature strives for something to which pleasure and pain are only incidental. What distinguishes N from Christianity is his naturalistic denial of the breach between flesh and spirit, his claim that self-sacrifice is the very essence of life, and his paradoxical assertion that man's attempts to sublimate his animal nature exemplify the very way of nature (235). He asserted that spirit cuts into life, and that is is its function to counteract man's tendency to yield to his impulses; but he considered it an instrument which life uses in its effort to enhance itself. Joy and pain are not opposites...whoever wants as much as possible of one must also have as much as possible of the other. True happiness is the fusion of power and joy - and joy contains not only the ingredients of pleasure but also a component of pain. When the overcoming of suffering is not conceived in terms of one's own exertions, it is apt to take the form of one's own triumphant elevation over the suffering of others (239). Worldly power may clock the most abysmal weakness. At the top of the power scale are those who are able to sublimate their impulses, to organize their chaos and to give style to their character (243). The good man for Nietzsche is the passionate man who is the master of his passions. The apotheosis of joy = amor fati. He knows it when he says Yes to his own being and affirms the rest of the world in the process. Any affirmation of the present moment points far beyond the present. "My formula for the greatness of a human being is amor fati: that one would not have anything different - not forward, not backward, not in all eternity. No only to bear the necessary, even less to conceal it...but to love it" (246).

10. The Master Race

N looked to art, philosophy and religion - and not to race - to elevate man above the beasts. N did not join in with his contemporaries in developing the modern Nordic version of the master-race myth, like Wagner, Gobineau and Forster. He called anti-semitism "literary obscenity." N believed in Lamarckism and race mixture. He did hold up the Greeks as "the model of a race and culture that has become pure," i.e. a people who possessed the Apollinian power to organize the Dionysian chaos. Just because N attacked slave morality does not mean he identified with the masters (256). He always considered racism a maze of lies.

11. Overman and Eternal Recurrence

N's philosophy culminates in the dual vision of the overman and the eternal recurrence. Man is something that should be overcome in over-fullness, over-goodness, over-time, over-kind, over-wealth, over-hero, over-drinking (268). Man is a rope tied between beast and overman. Procreation need not be a senseless continuation of an essentially meaningless story and marriage can serve this purpose. The overman is the one who has transfigured his physis and acquired self-mastery (270). N repudiates the modern notion of progress in the very same breath in which he speaks of the overman - to say that he has existed many times in the past. Eternal recurrence like the supra-historical perspective, where one "does not envisage salvation in the process but...the world is finished in every single moment and its end attained" (276). It depends on N's denial of indefinite progress - of what Hegel called the bad infinite - and they suggest the possible infinite value of the moment and the individual (276). The overman would also realize how inextricably his own being was involved in the totality of the cosmos: and in affirming his own being, he would also affirm all that is, has been, or will be. The doctrine of the eternal recurrence is the most extreme repudiation of any deprecation of the moment, the finite, and the individual - the antithesis of any faith which pins its hopes on infinite progress. "I beseech you, my brothers, remain faithful to the earth and do not believe those who speak to you of other-worldly hopes" (277). The eternal recurrence was less an idea than an experience - the supreme experience of a life unusually rich in suffering, pain and agony. "Not only to bear the necessary, even less to conceal it...but to love it" (279). The eternal recurrence means that all events are repeated endlessly, that there is no plan nor goal to give meaning to history or life, and that we are mere puppets in an absolutely senseless play (282). This is a synthesis of Heraclitus and Parmenides, of the dynamic and static world pictures, of being and becoming. Development is not a line but a circle which returns into itself (285).

PART IV: SYNOPSIS

12. Nietzsche's Repudiation of Christ

N distinguished both between contemporary Christianity and the original gospel, and between Jesus and Christ. More than anything he was interested in the psychology of Jesus. His true message has been twisted by the church: "What are the glad tidings? True life, eternal life has been found - it is not promised, it is here, it is in you: as a living in love, in love without subtraction and exclusion, without regard for station" (290). In contrast to Jesus the person, N completely repudiated Christ as the glorification of Jesus.

Faith v. Action: For N, Paul was the first Christian, who discovered faith as a remedy against the incapacity for what one deems to be right action (294). Escape and revenge -> faith, the most incredible inversion of the gospel. Paul made it possible for these resentful people to call themselves Christians. Jesus wanted people to become perfect here and now, and instead they put their trust in a distant future. The disvaluation of the secular leads to obedience to the State, which N also hated. In short, faith takes the place of action: instead of perfecting oneself, one has faith that Christ was perfect - and meanwhile there is a church which, instead of insisting that man leave father and mother and break with conformity, insists that man conform to the church in matters of faith and to the state in matters of action (296). Paul even pronounced charity is the greatest of faith, hope and charity, but Luther insisted on faith.

Faith v. Reason: Luther said "whoever wants to be a Christian should tear the eyes out of his reason" (300). N opposes any doctrine of double truth. Faith means a partial paralysis of reason. One should not have faith in one's convictions; courage is rather a matter of attacking one's convictions (303). The will to truth is clearly a Christian, moral, metaphysical faith, but it also spells the end of Christianity. When N describes the will to truth as a principle which is hostile to life and destructive, he is entirely consistent with his emphatic and fundamental assertion that man wants power more than life (308). Truth is power, untruth is weakness. As a devotee of truth, N rejects the Christian faith as incompatible with the moral demands of this vocation.

N concentrated his praise on friendship and repudiated neighbor-love and pity. His criticism of the Christian faith is of its weakness, how it avoids self-perfection and makes one flee from oneself. Pity does not help anyone toward self-perfection. In friendship, on the other hand, two people have a common thirst for a higher ideal. N thus renounced Christian love for Greek friendship. The best that a friend can do is to help him gain self-mastery. Pity, on the other hand, is our bad love of ourselves. In pity, the world becomes a large hospital and each will becomes the other's humane nurse.

The motive of Christian virtue = ressentiment (319). "I have often laughed at the weaklings who thought themselves good because they had no claws" (319). The difference between N's ethics and what he himself took to be Christian ethics is not ultimately reducible to different forms of behavior or divergent tables of virtues: it revolves primarily around the agent's state of mind or, yet more basically, his state of being" (321). Its the difference between someone who acts from the overfullness of life vs. the impoverishment of life. Christian morality, romanticism, anarchism, anti-semitism are all expressions of ressentiment.

Goethe was N's model of the "new barbarian," the overman with the Dionysian faith (325). N agreed with Goethe that romanticism is egoism + weakness. N agrees with Aristotle, who wrote "the good man ought to be a lover of self, since he will then act nobly, and so both benefit himself and aid his fellows; but the bad man ought not to be a lover of self, since he will follow his base passions, and so injure both himself and his neighbors" (327). Sickness, dearth and ressentiment = modern man, romanticism, Christianity.

13. Nietzsche's Admiration for Socrates

Socrates is celebrated as the first philosopher of life. Wisdom consists in seeing the limitations of one's own knowledge. Socrates considered it his mission to be a gadfly on the neck of man. Life without inquiries is no life. "Socrates, to confess it frankly, is so close to me that almost always I fight a fight against him" (340). Socrates is the highest ideal, a passionate man who can control his passions. The model philosopher is a physician, but the gadfly has turned into a vivesectionist. In an age in which there was nobility which deemed itself superior without living up to its exalted self-conception, one could emphasize equality. But today, equality is confused with conformity. Men today nurture a ressentiment against all that is distinguished, superior and strange (346).

My formula for the greatness of a human being is amor fati: that one would not have anything different - not forward, not backward, not in all eternity (348). The rebirth of Dionysus seemed to N a reaffirmation of life as "indestructible, powerful and joyous," in spite of suffering and death, while he construed the crucifixion as a "curse on life" (351). Goethe v. Christ, Dionysus v. the Crucified.

Epilogue

N opposed both the idolatry of the state and political liberalism because he was basically anti-political. It is sometimes as if he was swimming against the stream for its own sake. N desired to live for one's education free from politics, nationality and newspapers (357).

Thursday, July 1, 2010

Nietzsche, Friedrich - The Gay Science, Preface, Book V

Preface

In the preface Nietzsche explains the meaning of the "Gay Science." I will merely cite his explanation so as not to prejudice our understanding of this difficult work: "Gay Science": that signifies that saturnalia of a spirit who patiently resisted a terrible, long pressure - patiently, severely , coldly, without submitting, but also without hope - and who is now all at once attacked by hope, the hope for health, and the intoxication of convalescence...This whole book is nothing but a bit of merry-making after a long privation and powerlessness, the rejoicing of strength that is returning, of a reawakened faith in a tomorrow and the day after tomorrow, of a sudden sense and anticipation of a future, of impending adventures, of seas that are open again, of goals that are permitted again, believed again." (32)

It is evident though that Nietzsche see himself as articulating a perspective that is almost stoically realistic at the same time as it is joyous and characterized by the affirmation of life. Indeed, in the Preface, Nietzsche also offers a short criticism of philosophical and religious thinkers whose thought is characterized by the denial, or negation, of life along with the search for some transcendent "Apart, Beyond, Outside." Nietzsche, strikingly similar to William James, maintains that this search has more to do with psychological needs, in particular relief from a particular form of suffering, than with any 'objective' philosophical requirements. Nietzsche, thus, embodies philosophy, removing the distance between a philosophers 'thought' and his all too physical life. He writes "I have asked myself whether, taking a large view, philosophy has not been merely an interpretation of the body and a misunderstanding of the body." Importantly, Nietzsche points this out not reveal the biases of previous philosophers and get on with 'objective' philosophy. Rather, it seems that he thinks that philosophy will always be thus embodied, but that previous philosophers were suffering from a particular affliction and pursued a particular cure. A cure that Nietzsche thinks does not actually restore health. Seemingly speaking about himself, he writes that: "I am still waiting for a philosophical physician in the exceptional sense of the word - one who has to pursue that problem of the total health of a people, time, race of humanity." (35) The job of this philosophical physician is both to reveal the true embodied character of the thought of previous times and to articulate new health-restoring thoughts. Nietzsche believes that his own time of sickness, of gloominess and near-despair, allows him to articulate thoughts that are truly joyous, full of the affirmation of life, or gaiety. A crucial component of the recovery of this affirmation of life is the realization that the 'will to truth,' the desire for truth at all costs is a form of sickness. Instead, Nietzsche believes that a certain concern with sensuality and superficiality, out of profundity, is necessary. This view has interesting implications for his thoughts about historicism and religion.

Book V: We Fearless Ones

Nietzsche begins this chapter by explaining his declaration that "God is dead" as that "the Christian God has become unbelievable."
He believes that his undermines European's "ancient and profound trust" turning it into doubt. Furthermore, it serves to bring down European morality, which had been based upon it. Nietzsche maintains, however, that this is not a cause of gloominess or despair, rather for philosophers and 'free spirits" like himself it is cause of cheerfulness, amazement, and expectation.

Nietzsche, then, explore the complex relationship of science to personal convictions. On the one hand, convictions are only admissible in science if they give up being convictions and become hypotheses, subject to verification. On the other hand, science itself rests on an unsupported conviction or faith. This is that "nothing is needed more than truth, and in relation to it everything has only second-rate value." (281) Nietzsche then explores whether this 'will to truth' stems from prudence or some sort of self-applied moral maxim. He quickly concludes that it cannot have its roots in prudence, as it is clear that often the 'will to truth' is harmful for others and oneself. Instead he argues that the 'will to truth' is derivative from a moral obligation not to deceive anyone. It includes the injunction not to even deceive oneself. Following from this, Nietzsche argues that the 'will to truth' like many other European moral inclinations has its roots in world negating Christian religion. Science thus is a metaphysical faith, one that affirms that value of the 'Truth' over all worldly goods. Thus, another interesting interplay develops in which the 'will to truth' destroys its own foundations by exposing the Christian God as a lie.

Nietzsche then discusses his approach to morality. He believes that part of the problem of past inquiries into morality was the scholars did not engage personally enough with the question. Instead, they merely struggled to provide foundations for generally accepted European-Christian morality. (Alasdair MacIntyre makes this point well in After Virtue, a work that is actually heavily indebted to Nietzsche for its criticisms). Previous thinkers have not engaged in a general critique of moral evaluation as such, nor have they explored the "history of the origins of these feelings and valuations." (284) Instead, they have criticized particular moral judgments. Or, if they embraced relativism, the have done so on the basis of the world-wide conflict among moral judgments. They have certainly not discussed the basic value of morality itself. According to Kaufmann, this means " question[ing] whether the effects of morality on those who are moral are beneficial." (285n16)

The question of whether morality is beneficial for man comes in connection with the realization that "God is dead." It has been revealed that the world itself is not rational, merciful or just. Thus shattering man's 'reverences.' Man is not something apart from the world as religion or rationalistic philosophy had maintained. He is under no obligation to divinely revealed or rationally imposed morality. Man is simply part of the world.

Nietzsche then discusses faith and the need for faith. According to him, faith or belief correlates with weakness. True fearlessness is the ability to face the absence of faith while still affirming life. More specifically, faith stems from a weakness of the will. When the will can no longer command, it desires someone else to command it. It does not have the strength or courage to act on its own command, so it needs to subject itself to someone's command. In contrast, Nietzsche puts forward his own ideal:"One could conceive of such pleasure and power of self-determination, such a freedom of the will that the spirit would take leave of all faith and every wish for certainty, being practiced in maintaining himself on insubstantial ropes and possibilities of dancing even near abysses. Such a spirit would be the free spirit par excellence." (290)

Nietzsche then engages in an interesting exploration of the social origins of scholars that impact that their origins have on them.
I actually found his discussion of 'Jewish' habits of scholarship interesting and highly apt. He is not the only one to point out the distinct place of Jewish intellectuals in European culture, as both insiders and outsiders, builders and underminers. In particular, his point about logic and 'compelling agreement by force of reasons' can be illustrated though the example of his contemporary, Hermann Cohen. It is hard to deny that one of things that attracted Cohen to Kant was his rationalism and thus democratic aspect. It was certainly what Cohen did with neo-Kantianism.

Nietzsche now turns to a discussion of what is really fundamental instinct of life. He contests the then widely accepted scholarly claim that it is the preservation of life. He agues that the desire to preserve oneself is only a symptom of distress. The really fundamental instinct of life is the expansion of power. This desire to expand power takes risks with life, thus working against the instinct for self-preservation. "The great and small struggle always revolves around superiority, around growth and expansion, around power - in accordance with the will to power which is the will of life." (292)

Returning to religion, Nietzsche divides the religious personality into two types, which are similar to, though different from, James's once-born and twice-born souls. On the one hand, there are familiar, ingenuous, and superficial individuals. On the other hand, there a re graver, deeper, more meditative, 'evil,' and suspicious individuals. Nietzsche identifies the former with northern Europe and Protestantism and the later with southern Europe and Catholicism. He also sees the former as more democratic, in the negative leveling sense of the term. The later, suspicious of the nature of man, is more elitist. Protestantism is thus a 'peoples rebellion' against the elitism of the Catholicism.

Nietzsche then compares the ideal human type revered by the philosophers and the common people. The philosopher's ideal type is one "who lives and must live continually in the thundercloud of the highest problems and the heaviest responsibilities (by no means as an observer, outside, indifferent, secure, and objective). (293). The ideal type of the common people is the sage. He is quiet, serious, and simpleminded. The sage is a figure to which one can confess one's sins to and thus get rid of them. The sage has faith, wisdom, and thus certain knowledge. The philosopher despises the sage. Philosophers do not believe in men of certain knowledge. To be a philosopher is to love and thus seek after sophia, not to certainly possess it.

Nietzsche now moves to discuss morality more directly. According to him, moral discourse is means of covering the nakedness of European man. The European has become sickly. He is a herd animal of profound mediocrity, timidity and boredom. If he were health, a beast of prey, he would not need morality. Morality is way of covering of his weakness. It makes himlook more noble, important, respectable, and divine.

Nietzsche now shifts back to discuss the origin of religions. He claims that the founders of religion engage in a two stage process: 1) They posit a particular form of life that disciplines the will and abolishes boredom. 2)They bestow on this life style an interpretation that makes it valuable and worth fighting for. Nietzsche then argues that in fact the second stage is more important. Most of the time, founders of religion do not create a form of life ex nihlo. Rather, they take an existing form of life and reify it through the second stage. Thus, the distinctive skill of a founder of a religion is to be able to see a group of average people enmeshed in a type of life style and being able to get them to recognize themselves as a distinctive group - sharing something important - a religion.

Nietzsche then discusses self-consciousness and communication. Foreshadowing much of the thought of Wittgenstein, Sellars, and Brandom, Nietzsche argues that self-consciousness is not primary. Most of life would be possible without it. Rather, he argues that self-consciousness arises out of a need to communicate, the need to communicate distress to others. In order to communicate their distress, a human being needed to know what distresses him, how he feels, and what he thinks. Anticipating Freud as well, Nietzsche argues that much thought goes on in our thoughts without our being conscious of it. We are only aware of as much as is needed for this need-based communication.

Nietzsche argues that self-consciousness and language develop hand in hand. This has an interesting result. According to Nietzsche self-consciousness and language only develop as part of our social nature. Therefore, what is individual about us can never be understood self-consciously or expressed in language. Only our acts are individual. Consciousness levels everything it touches. The growth of consciousness is the growth of superficiality and generalization. Additionally, because self-consciousness and thus knowledge only arises out of our social needs, human beings only 'know' that which is useful in the interests of the 'human herd.'

After touching on the issue of knowledge, Nietzsche now turns to consider it more thoroughly . According to him, knowledge is the reduction of something strange to something familiar. The need for this reduction is human beings' instinct of fear and desire for security. In contrast, Nietzsche argues that what is most familiar is what we know the least because we are so blinded by our usual way of seeing it. In particular, he criticizes the mentalism of the philosophical tradition, which has claimed that self-consciousness is most familiar and thus most certain and knowable. In fact, it is most foreign to us.

Nietzsche now turns to discuss a general cultural phenomena of roles and what he calls role faith. He observes that in his age Europeans have become artistic, they have begun to confound themselves with the roles that they have played in their lives, with their vocations. In particular, the see themselves as akin to great artists who have cultivated their 'performance' in this role. They do this without realizing the other roles they could have played if things have turned out slightly differently. Nietzsche maintains that there is a spectrum of views that an individual can have about their relationship to their social roles. In the past, in the middle ages, individuals did not see their roles as roles as such. Rather, they saw themselves as in those positions, or professions by nature. In American and more and more frequently in Europe, he sees a growth of what he calls 'role faith.' This is the idea that an individual could play any role at all. The trouble with this is that the more an individual sees himself as playing a role, the more he becomes an actor. This leads to a growth in self-importance and lack of commitment; more specifically, the decline of the ability to sacrifice oneself in a great task that exceeds oneself. Indeed, Western man can no longer build a society that he can be committed to.

Nietzsche now explores the question of what is distinctive of Germanness. He does this through looking at great German philosophers and discussing what, if anything, is German about their thought. He finds something German in Leibniz , Kant, and Hegel. He then turns to the question of Schopenhauer with his pessimism about the value of existence. He does not find his insights particularly German. Instead, he think his atheistic pessimism is the universal fruit of European consciousness. The European 'will for truth' or 'discipline of truth' must eventually forbid itself the lie in faith in God, who might ensure the value of existence.

Nietzsche finally fully articulates the ironical result that the 'will for truth' has destroyed Christian religion. The 'will for truth' is a development out of Christian morality and its focus on truthfulness. The seeking out of consciousness in confession has been translated and sublimated into scientific conscience. Scientific conscience has destroyed our ability to see God-given meaning in nature, history, or own lives. This self-overcoming severity is the fulfillment of European consciousness, it is what makes us 'good Europeans.' Consequently, Schopenhauer's question, whether there is an meaning at all to existence, arises. Nietzsche believes that German philosophers have in general shied away from this truly deep question.

Nietzsche views Christianity as on the verge of collapse. He believes that this destruction began with the reformation. This is because the northern spirit of the Reformation could not understand the nature of a church. The northerners are too simple, not distrustful enough, to appreciate a church. Luther was the product of the common people, without an instinct for power. By opening the Bible to everyone and removing authority from church bodies, he initiated the leveling forces that would destroy the Christianity. Nietzsche very interestingly links confession and priestly celibacy. Confession could only be given to an individual that was not part of the common order to nature. Luther's abolishment of the priesthood is the rejection by a commoner of the elitism of the southern homines religioisi. Nietzsche believes that this leveling has the result of making the European spirit shallower and more 'good-natured.' He links this also with the growth of scientific scholarship as well as the lack shame and depth that characterizes this scholarship. In sum, the reformation was a leveling peasant rebellion against 'spiritual' elitism. It brought about the destruction of the church, which Nietzsche claims is "a structure for ruling that secures the highest rank for the more spiritual human beings and that believes in the power of spirituality to the extent of forbidding itself the use of all the cruder instruments of force." (313) He claims that a church is a more noble institution, on this account, than a state.

Nietzsche claims that the most avid advocates of morality are motivated by the ulterior motives of asserting their own superiority and their will to revenge on others. These individuals have 'turned out badly,' they have desires that society deems bad, but do not have the courage to act on them. They are also born into luxury and are thus bored with no work to do. They use morality in order to feel superior and to revenge themselves upon those that have the courage to act out their desires. He characterizes Augustine as among these individuals.

Nietzsche distinguishes between two causes for action. There is first and more primarily the discharging of dammed-up energy that must be released in some way. Second, there is the directing cause, that which directs this discharge of energy into some defined path or purpose. Nietzsche believes that the philosophical tradition has thought of the second as primarily when in fact it is random and arbitrary. The purpose is most often created post-hoc in order to rationalize the more primary discharge of energy.

Nietzsche now returns to discuss the actor, who had been discussed above in reference to the artistic nature of European society. An actor possess 'falseness with good conscience.' The ability to act develops as a result of being in the lower classes and having to accommodate oneself to circumstances beyond one's control. One thus learns how to play the role that is required. Diplomats ,Jews, and women have this capacity in particular.

Having mentioned women, Nietzsche discusses the different views that men and women have about love. He does not think that they have equal claims in love. Woman mean total devotion to a man by love. Man wants this type of love from woman, but does not offer it in turn. Indeed, Nietzsche claims that it is impossible for man to offer this same type of total devotion. There cannot be a reciprocal renunciation of self, otherwise there is a mere 'empty space.' Woman wants to totally renounce herself and become a possession of someone. In order for this to happen, the man cannot renounce himself, he needs to be around in order to take possession of the woman. Faithfulness is thus an essential part of woman's love, it might follow from a man's love, but it is not essential.

Nietzsche now discusses some issues relating to getting along with other people. The upshot is the most people are distasteful, associating with them requires forbearance and patience. Nietzsche also suggests that we must become 'posthumous persons,' dead to others. Once we do this we will be enter into true life. I am not entirely clear what he means by this.

Nietzsche then gives us advice about Dissertations. He says that one can always get a sense that book is 'too scholarly.' That it was written in cramped quarters, without wider concerns. That is author is a specialist, who overestimates the importance of his specialty. On the other hand, the 'man of letters' who has no specialty is cursed with superficiality, the 'jack of all trades, master of none.'

Nietzsche moves to give more consideration to art. He claims that all art can be divided into monological art and art before witnesses. He claims that the belief that prayer, of faith, is only considered an act in solitude, monological by unbelievers. In its native environment it is always preformed before witnesses.

Nietzsche now discusses the music of Wagner. He does not like Wagner's music by this point. He wants music that will give his body its own ease. Wagner is an actor, in the sense described above. There is something about this, apparently, that forecloses the possibility of his music providing the ease that Nietzsche is looking for. In general, he thinks of the theater as a place were one becomes part of the leveling heard.

Nietzsche also claims that the most productive artists are blessed with a certain lack of self-consciousness . They simply produce their art. They do not make it by comparing it with others and evaluating it. Thus, it is possible for a great artist to thoroughly misinterpret their own work.

Nietzsche now turns to discuss Romanticism. He returns to his early claim that all philosophy and art stems from an attempt to get along in life. Often philosophy and art have their origins in particular sufferings, as attempts, or hopes, to do away with this suffering. He then claims that there are two types of suffering and thus two types of art and philosophy. There is suffering from the over-abundance of life, which gives rise to Dionysian art and a tragic view of life. And there is suffering from impoverishment of life, which gives rise to a quest for rest and clam or, alternatively, anesthesia and madness . Romanticism is of this later type, it includes Schopenhauer and Wagner. This distinction between over-fullness of life and impoverishment of life stands behind many other distinctions for Nietzsche. It should be noted that Nietzsche does not reject all pessimism. In fact, he claims that there is Dionysian pessimism which is central to him, but he does not elaborate on it.

Nietzsche now turns to discusses the relationship between idealism and the senses. He claims that in his age all philosophers are believers in the senses in practice. He claims that earlier philosophers' opposition to the senses was a fear to be tempted by the world. The old philosophers, by eschewing the senses, become heartless, like philosophical vampires. Today, philosophers are afraid of being seduced by ideas instead.

As he moves towards the end of the chapter, Nietzsche returns to the theme with which he opened - "Science as a prejudice." He claims that scholars, due to the social background from which they arise, are incapable of getting a glimpse of the real questions and visions. He then applies this to materialistic scientists. The vision that there method expresses, a universe that can be examined and entirely understood, is disgusting. It destroys the existence of ambiguity in the world as well anything that might evoke awe and reverence. Additionally, there is something narcissistic in viewing the world in a certain way because it lets one go about one's own work productively. Further, it is possible that what can be grasped first, the material aspect of the world, is not the deepest understanding of the world. Imagine claiming to grasp a piece of music by providing complete measurement of its acoustics. Moreover, this materialistic understanding of the world entirely divests the world of meaning.

Nietzsche now discusses one of the most important aspects of his thought - his perspectivalism. He claims that we cannot determine whether there is any existence without interpretation, whether it is interpretation all the way down. When engaged in this question the human intellect cannot get out of its own particular perspective. In a way, then, the world has become infinite again, there are an infinite possible interpretations of the world. The difference between this new infinite and the old infinite, is that the old infinite was divine, this new infinite, in contrast, is self-consciously human, some possibilities are full of human stupidity and folly.

On a related point, Nietzsche now discusses why modern men are opposed to about ultimate convictions. Partially, this is the result of the disappointment of not finding any certainty. But, it is also merely a result of the desire to swing to the opposite side from which one used to be. Having been fixated by certainty and ultimacy, modern man luxuriates in being 'free as such.'

Nietzsche claims that those who appreciate his Gay Science are homeless in modern European society. They disfavor any particular ideals that might provide them with a home. They see society coming apart of its own and therefore cannot dwell in it. Nietzsche and those like him do not want to return to a past age. But they do not feel at home in this age, which sees itself as the most humane age. They see its humanity as a mask for its weakness and sickness. They desire a time of action and adventure. As good Europeans in the sense discussed above, they are spurred on to become homeless and negate allegiance to creed or nation. This is not done in the name of unbelief, but is rather based on particular type of faith. Faith in truth. Nietzsche also makes it clear that he despises the cult of Germaness that typifies Germany of his day.

Very interestingly, Nietzsche discusses how his work will be interpreted. He acknowledges that people will interpret him badly, but also asserts that his thought will always become 'bright again.'

Nietzsche then returns to his much earlier discussion of the critique of morality. He claims that in order to understand one's own morality one must go outside of it, go beyond it. If this is possible, one can compare one's previous morality, say European morality, with other moralities, thus gaining a better understanding of them both. In order to be able to attain this position, one must work hard on oneself, eliminating not only he prejudices that one has received from one's time and culture, but also those reactive-oppositions that one has towards one's time and culture. A failure to eliminate these reactive-oppositions will lead to romanticism.

Nietzsche now returns to discuss how he will be received. He claims that it is not a weakness of his writing that he deals with major philosophical questions quickly and briefly. He claims that it is a mere superstition to believe that problems cannot be dealt in this way. Further, he sees it as a bulwark against corrupting innocents. He also laments his lack of knowledge. In a comment that we can all sympathize with, he bemoans the growth of information and how impossible it is to know all that is out there. But he also thinks it is a problem to know to much, to be to scholarly, in the sense described above.

Nietzsche claims that he and those like him require a new great health. This is not a health that one merely has, rather it is one that "one acquires continually , and must acquire because one gives it up again and again, and must give it up." (346) Nietzsche now finally articulates his Dionysian ideal. "The ideal of a spirit that plays naively - that is not deliberately but from overflowing power and abundance - with all that was hitherto called holy, good, untouchable, divine; for whom those supreme things that people naturally accept as their value standards, signify danger, decay, debasement, or at least recreation, blindness, and temporary self-oblivion; the ideal of a human, superhuman well-being and benevolence that will often appear inhuman - for example, when it confronts all earthly seriousness so far, all solemnity in gesture, word, tone, eye, morality, and task so far, as if it were their most incarnate and involuntary parody - and in spite of this, it is perhaps only with him that great seriousness really begins, that the real question is posed for the first time, that the destiny of the soul changes, the hand moves forward, the tragedy begins." (347)

Nietzsche then closes with a consideration of the difficulty of the dialectic of despair and gaiety, superficiality and depth that he has expressed.